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Acute Stress Response: Psychological Impact of Trauma on Older Adults |
On February 25, at an afternoon
symposium, 3 speakers addressed implications of the September 11th tragedy on
the elderly population, along with response strategies in the event of future
bioterrorist attacks.
Older New Yorkers and the Aftermath of 11 September 2001
In the days immediately following
the September 11th event, AAGP was careful not to pathologize a
persons reaction to what was understandably a traumatic event, but to
portray these reactions as the normal responses individuals have when coping
with stressful situations, said Gary Kennedy, MD, professor of psychiatry,
Albert Einstein College of Medicine, Bronx, New York; president, AAGP.
Findings from a national phone survey concerning post-September 11th stress
responses indicate that certain population groups appeared more vulnerable following
this tragedy. Attributes of stress response include: admission of distress when
reminded about the September 11th event, intrusive memories, disturbing thoughts
or dreams, problems concentrating and sleeping, irritability, and incidence
of angry outbursts.
Survey results suggest that women and Hispanics in particular, were more likely
to experience post-September 11th stress responses, though these differences
may be attributable to greater willingness among these groups to verbalize their
feelings. Not surprisingly, individuals with prior mental health needs, and
those who lived within 100 miles of Ground Zero also appeared significantly
more vulnerable. Presence of family members at or near Ground Zero provided
a connection to the tragedy that increased the likelihood of personal
stress response, even for individuals living beyond the 100-mile zone.
Whats lacking from the existing data is a real estimate of stress
disorders and co-morbid mental illness, said Dr. Kennedy. Emerging data
from a New York Academy of Medicine study of post-tragedy reactions of 1000
New Yorkers will provide information on the relationship of stress reaction
to depressive disorders. Results from a follow-up study, conducted on the six-month
anniversary of September 11th will yield additional information on post-traumatic
stress disorders related to this tragedy.
Other considerations for future research include: the effect of major stress
on existing medical conditions, the impact of stress-mitigating factors such
as social support and religious affiliation, and rates of spontaneous recovery
(i.e., people who experience stress but heal themselves through their social
network).
Associated rates of mortality and morbidity (i.e., the number of individuals
who were unable to carry on with their work and family responsibilities following
the tragedy) should also be studied. Consideration of possible transmissible
effects of this event on future generations may also prove valuable (as demonstrated
by Holocaust survival literature).
Additional research is also needed to gain a more
complete understanding of how the effects of aging contribute to stress response.
We need data about the contribution of poor health and disability, as
well as social isolation, to really understand whos most vulnerable for
stress, and to identify individuals for whom we would want to take a more preventive
approach when an event like this occurs, said Dr. Kennedy. Despite the
availability of a wide network of social support services in New York City,
Dr. Kennedy hypothesized that older, more isolated New Yorkers, and veterans
of prior wars, were especially vulnerable following the September 11th tragedy.
Some elderly New Yorkers, particularly the economically disadvantaged, may have
been at greater risk for stress disorders (versus less serious stress reactions)
in part because a high degree of ethnic diversity among this population makes
it difficult to customize social service programs to meet their individual needs.
Dr. Kennedy postulated that other factors may actually protect some older New
Yorkers from post-tragedy stress. Some elderly New Yorkers may be hardened
off to tragedy based on historical and life experiences such as world
wars, the Holocaust, and racial discrimination. These individuals have
had difficult experiences and theyve lived through them; they know they
can get through it again. As bad as it was, they know theres a tomorrow,
said Dr. Kennedy.
Psychological Impact of the 9/11 Tragedy on Older Adults
Lessons Learned form Older Adults in New York Citys
Chinese American Community
I want to stress the resilience of most of the older people in our community after September 11, said Teddy Chen, MSSW, director, Mental Health Bridge Program, Charles B. Wang Community Health Center, New York City. What we learned about the human face of tragedy from these elders living in the shadow of Ground Zero will help our future work, said Mr. Chen.
Mr. Chen and colleagues developed a screening questionnaire
to locate individuals (including senior citizens) in New York Citys Chinese
American community who were in need of post-tragedy assistance (Table 1). Responses
from interviews yielded information that helped dimensionalize the impact of
the tragedy on this community.
Not surprisingly, the events of September 11th generated feelings of loss for
many community residents, either directly (in human or economic terms), or indirectly
(e.g., in terms of loss of innocent strangers and a community landmark). Many
residents personally related to the Twin Towers, which they referred to as the
sister towers. They recalled the towers being built, and harbored precious
memories of family moments that included these buildings. Moreover, many Chinatown
seniors viewed the Towers as a nearby symbol of academic and professional success.
Yet, study results indicate that many Chinatown seniors exhibited a high degree
of coping skills and an ability to bounce back and resume their lives after
the tragedy. Several said that drawing upon past life experiences gave them
the strength needed to survive this crisis. When you talk to them they
will tell you that theyve seen before that life has a lot of things you
cannot expect, said Mr. Chen.
Post-tragedy fear, worry and withdrawal were sometimes associated with specific
age-related or cultural vulnerabilities. Physical weaknesses, impaired sensory
functioning (e.g., poor vision) and language barriers contributed to initial
confusion among some residents, who were forced to rely on other channels (e.g.,
relatives or friends) to gather information about what had happened. An inability
to speak or read English resulted in increased anxiety for some residents who
were unsure whether they would be adequately informed during and after the event.
Close multi-generational connections also influenced the post-tragedy experience
for many elders in the community. Several seniors (who typically retain leadership
roles in their extended families) expressed concern for the economic futures
of their families, given the post-disaster drop in Chinatown tourism and a decline
in the local garment industry.
Many seniors may have been particularly vulnerable to
post-tragedy stress based on other losses and loneliness in their lives at the
time. In some cases, trauma from this event stirred up unresolved, residual
fear, anxiety and depression from previous traumatic experiences, such as the
Vietnam War.
Several respondents shied away from community counseling programs, based on
a belief that post-September 11th stress and depression was a life problem
versus a mental health issue worthy of counseling. (This dovetails with prior
research that demonstrates a common tendency among the elderly to fail to recognize
underlying mental health problems, but rather, to present symptoms via a range
of physical complaints.) They think, I lost a son, its a family
problem, a life problem. They dont think, its a mental health issue,
I may have depression, anxiety, or PTSD, said Mr. Chen.
Community mental health challenges include the ability to help Chinatown seniors
translate what they view as routine family and life problems and vague somatic
complaints into mental health terms, and to ultimately provide effective mental
health services to those in need.
Table 1. The Screening Questionnaire
1. Were you worried, anxious, or nervous most of the time?
2. Were you unable to control your worries or focus on what you are doing?
3. Were you emotionally or physically upset by reminders of the 9/11 event?
4. Were you unable to have sad or loving feelings or feeling numb?
5. Did you easily get annoyed or have outbursts of anger?
6. Were you jumpy or easily startled?
7. Did you feel sad, low or depressed most of the time?
8. Did you lose interest and pleasure in doing things?
9. Did you often feel tired or exhausted, or have headaches or bodily pains?
Trauma and Response in a New Era of Bioterrorism
Following traumatic stress, most persons will experience
acute symptoms that will dissipate over time. I dont think thats
any different for biological terrorism, we just dont know the extent of
it, said Commander Robert DeMartino MD, assistant professor, Department
of Psychiatry, F. Edward Herbert School of Medicine Uniform Services, University
of Health Sciences; director, Program in Trauma and Terrorism, Center for Mental
Health Services, U.S. Public Health Service, Rockville, MD.
Historical information regarding public response to bioterrorism is scarce,
making it difficult to find parallel events from which to draw conclusions and
formulate government emergency response guidelines. Public behavior in the aftermath
of other types of traumatic events (including epidemics and natural disasters)
provides some clues to assess how people might react to social, economic, and
psychological consequences of a bioterrorist attack. We dont have
the luxury of waiting a decade to obtain information; we need to develop comprehensive
and effective plans now, said Dr. DeMartino.
Bioterrorist events are similar in impact to natural disasters, but differ across
several dimensions, including timing, visible damage, perception of control,
and extent and persistence of effects. Bioterrorism has a high potential for
casualties (into the hundreds of thousands), depending on the agent and means
of dispersal. Symptoms may mimic those of common ailments (e.g, the flu) and
can therefore generate mass confusion. Uncertainty over the availability and
effectiveness of treatments may exist (as during the recent anthrax scare).
If a contagious agent is involved, there may be widespread dispersion of casualties
to other geographic areas. Bioterrorism is a new and unfamiliar threat.
Its invisible, odorless, and colorless, said Dr. DeMartino.
Dr. DeMartino hypothesized that a best case bioterrorism scenario
might include: advance public warning, rapid public awareness as the attack
unfolded, quick-acting symptoms, rapid identification of the agent, and use
of a non-communicable agent. A worst case scenario could involve:
no advance warning, delayed symptoms that are difficult to track, an unknown
communicable agent, and several repeat incidents over an extended time.
Military studies and data from groups at risk for terror-related sequelae (e.g.,
bombing victims) indicate a range of possible public responses to a bioterrorist
attack, including: fear, stress, or acute stress disorder; feelings of loss,
grief, depression, and PTSD; extended vigilance; self-quarantine; feelings of
denial and fatalism; and excessive concern with decontamination. Other likely
reactions are the hoarding of protective equipment and fear-induced panic and
flight. Impact on the health care system could include over-burdening of medical
facilities and dereliction of responsibilities among medical personnel.
Risk perception is a likely driver of behavioral responses during a bioterrorist
event. The media and governments play a key role in controlling public expectation
of perceived risk. Inappropriate media messages, or the loss of credibility
in government authorities could lead to greater perceptions of risk and fear-induced
panic. Individuals need credible information to make informed decisions, particularly
given the possibility of a brief, time-limited window of opportunity for escape
from the threat. Informers must strike a balance between panic and absence of
worry. If you dont control peoples expectations about events,
you are destined for them to base their response on a worst case scenario,
said Dr. DeMartino.
Evidence from other health-related catastrophes (e.g., Love Canal and Three
Mile Island) indicates that devastating, long-lasting community ramifications
could potentially result from a bioterrorist attack. The risk of permanent community
decimation likely increases when people are forcibly displaced. Government and
local institutions need to bear the responsibility for making a community clean
again.
Potential for economic loss as a result of bioterrorism is also enormous. We
need to look at how economies would be affected since we know thats tied
to peoples long-term psychological health. There is a need to raise consciousness
of these types of issues among politicians and agencies, said Dr. DeMartino.
Dr. DeMartino noted that magnitude of a trauma (i.e., the type and degree of
exposure to a traumatic event) is the best predictor of the overall psychological
impact on any one individual. Evidence from the terrorist bombing in Oklahoma
City five years ago indicates that persistent psychological wounds may affect
the day-to-day lives of residents for years. In terrorist events, the
number of psychological casualties will always be many times more numerous than
the physical casualties, and they have the greater potential for a more severe
and longer-lasting behavioral and psychological sequelae than natural disasters,
said Dr. DeMartino.
Actual evidence is scarce regarding the likelihood of short - or long-term psychological
disorders stemming from bioterrorist events. After the Tokyo sarin attacks,
some people experienced post-traumatic stress disorder and other depressive
disorders, but unique circumstances make it difficult to trans-
late impact from one event to another. Were assuming that the more
intense the experience, the greater the opportunities for traumatic stress,
said Dr. DeMartino.
Behavioral casualties of bioterror remain vaguely defined. The recent anthrax
scares in NYC and Washington, DC, though relatively mild, had a serious impact
on some peoples behavior, particularly for those who sought treatment
despite rational indications that drugs were unnecessary.
Geriatric populations may be at increased risk, both medically and psychologically,
in the event of a bioterrorist attack. A weakened physical state (especially
for those with chronic illness) may place them at greater risk from the direct
effects of chemical and biological agents (including possible neuropsychiatric
sequelae), as well as treatments. Moreover, reduced access to information and
social support may delay treatment. In addition, compromised mobility and economic
hardship can restrict their treatment and flight options, raise their sense
of risk, and make forced displacement particularly traumatic.
On the other hand, senior citizen status may be an advantage during a bioterrorist
attack. Physical isolation may be protective in the event of a contagious agent,
while stress may be lessened due to the absence of direct childcare responsibilities.
Moreover, the ability to place events into the context of an entire lifetime
may add perspective and reduce anxiety.
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© 1999 - 2002 Medical Association Communications